Marga is Batak Toba’s term of reference for the first ancestor in a family’s lineage. As a tradition, marga marks the identity and social status of Batak-Tobanese. Marga still prevails until today.

1. Prologue

Batak is one of the biggest ethnic groups in Indonesia. Most of the people inhabit North Sumatra, particularly in areas around Lake Toba. In the past, the areas were called Tano Batak, meaning the surrounding areas of Lake Toba. People say that Tano Batak has actually expanded up to areas in south and southeast part of Aceh. Some people, hence, categorize Nias and Aceh Gayo people as Batak. Tano Batak’s area shrank after the Dutch government broke the areas into parts as a colonization strategy (J.C. Vergouwen, 1986).

Batak constitutes many closely bonded subgroups. There are, however, some opinions about the number of the subgroups. Some say there are five subs, Toba, Mandailing, Karo, Simalungun, and Pakpak. But others say there are eleven, the five aforementioned subs plus Pesisir, Angkola, Padang Lawas, Melayu[1], Nias, and Alas Gayo (Gens G. Malau, 2000).

Batak people live in a kinship system called marga or clan, which is marked by Batak people’s surnames. The activity of tracing back the line of a marga is called tarombo. One of Batak Subgroups that still preserves the tradition is Batak Toba. The people of this subgroup disperse in four areas of Tapanuli, North Sumatra. The areas are Toba, Silindung, Samosir, and Humbang. Their marga prevail among Batak Toba society, especially those living in Tobasa Regency, including Balige, Porsea, Laguboti, and nearby areas.

The 2005 edition of Balai Pustaka’s Kamus Besar Bahasa Indonesia (The Comprehensive Dictionary of Indonesian Language) on page 716 elucidate the meaning of marga as an exogamous and unlinear kinship either matrilineal or patrilineal. But commonly, Batak people think of marga as an identifier of a sub-clan. But according to Vergouwen (1986), the meaning of marga as mentioned by the dictionary no longer fits in with reality as for people now consider marga a signifier of both a sub-clan and the clan above it. This is mainly because there are a lot of clans in the lineage (tarombo) of Batak Toba people.

Current Batak-Tobanese people still consider marga and tarombo important to know their lineage. It is something they need to be clear about because they believe they are dongan-sabutuha, or “were born from the same womb” (Vergouwen, 1986: 1). Moreover there is a Batak proverb that reads Tinitip sanggar bahen huru-huruan/Djolo sinungkun marga asa binoto partuturan, “To make a bird cage, one must cut sugarcanes. To know their kinship, one must ask about marga”.

The belief that all Batak Toba people came out of one womb (one marga and tarombo) is constructed by their patrilineal lineage. They believe that the line of marga and tarombo of Batak Toba people would only be descended by men. If a Batak-Tobanese family does not have a son, their marga and tarombo would stop at them. Meanwhile, as a woman must marry a man of different patrilineal line, Batak-Tobanese girls or women provide path for interlineal relations.

2. The Concept of Marga

Batak people profess a philosophy of family and kinship called Tungku nan Tiga (three-legged hearth) or in Batak Toba language, Dalihan na Tolu (the sitting hearth, an analogy to human sitting position with two legs and back on the ground). The philosophy teaches them that the structure of family and kinship of Batak Toba people should be clear. Dalihan Na Tolu explains three important positions of Batak-Tobanese in their kinship, namely Hula-hula or Tondong, Dongan Tubu or Sanina, and Boru.

• Hula-hula or Tondong is the group of higher people. People of this group are highly respected. Those belong to this group are the wife’s family or, as they are usually called, Somba Marhula-hula.
• Dongan Tubu is the group of equal people, for example friends or relatives of similar marga. The group is prone to conflict that there is known a concept of Manat Mardongan Tubu that means to always keep solidarity and avoid conflict.
• Boru is the group of the lower people, meaning that the people of this group must always be cared of (Elek Morboru). Female relatives of the husband’s marga and of the father side belong to this group.

Dalihan Na Tolu is not the same with caste in Hindu. The difference lies in the stableness of people’s position in the system. The position of each caste in Hinduism cannot change. Say if someone is born a Brahman, he will always be a Brahman until death. A person cannot change his caste into Sudra, for instance. Meanwhile, position in Dalihan Na Tolu is contextual (changing). Every Batak-Tobanese will experience becoming Hula-hula, Dongan Tubu, and Boru in different times. For instance, one of the members of a regent’s wife holds a position as a district head of a certain area. But in traditional ceremony, the regent must be willing to do the dishes to serve his wife’s family as they belong to upper group (Hula-hula) and the regent is of the lower position (boru).

According to their philosophy of kinship, every Batak-Tobanese must behave as if he were a “raja (king)”. Of course it does not mean “raja” that controls everything, but rather, it suggests that one must always respect others as if they were kings. Therefore, in talks of adat, people often mention about Raja ni Hulahula, Raja ni Dongan Tubu, and Raja Ni Boru. Such view also aims at respecting each position in Dalihan Na Tolu (all Batak Toba people are equal).

Batak Toba people use two models of classification to determine a person’s marga, i.e. based on lineage (genealogy) and on residence area (territory).

a. Genealogical Classification

Batak Toba people believe their lineage (tarombo) is derived from Si Raja Batak (The Grand King of Batak). According to this system, everyone must have a marga.

The lineage originates from a story many Batak-Tobanese still believe today. The story goes that Si Raja Batak was the son of a woman named Si Borudeakparudjar. She was a descendant of Debata Muladjadi Nabolon, a god. One day, Debata Muladjadi Nabolon commanded Si Borudeakparudjar to create the Earth. Having done the order, Si Borudeakparudjar left heaven for a place called Siandjurmulamula and stay there. They say the place is situated in the slope of Mount Pusuk Buhit. In the future, the place would be occupied by Si Raja Batak. The place is also believed to be the origin of Batak people.

Si Raja Batak fathered two sons, Guru Tatea Bulan and Si Raja Isumbaon. It is the two that would descend Batak people. The descendants of Guru Tatea Bulan are called Belahan (branch) Lontung while those of Si Raja Isumbaon are called Belahan Sumba.

1. Belahan Lontung

Belahan Lontung is a term of reference for the descendants of Guru Tatea Bulan. Guru Tatea Bulan had five sons, Raja Biakbiak, Saribu Raja, Limbong Mulana, Sagala Raja, and Malau Raja. It is told that Raja Biakbiak went to Aceh without anybody knowing he had a child. Saribu Raja had three sons, Si Raja Lontung, Borbor, and Babiat. It is said that Babiat went to Karo. After that nobody heard about his life and children, if he had.

The third son, Limbong Mulana, at first resided in a valley south of the mountain back connecting Pusuk Buhit with Tanah Datar. His brother, Sagala Raja, occupied a valley north of the mountain back. As for Malau Raja, he lived in Pangruruan area and changed his name to Damanik. He ruled a region which is now Siantar, East Sumatra.

Si Raja Lontung had seven sons, Toga Sinaga, Toga Situmorang (later descended sub-marga Pande, Lumban, Nahor, Suhut ni Huta, Siringgo-ringgo, Rumapea, Sitohang), Toga Pandiangan (Pandiangan, Samosir, Gultom, Harianja, Pakpahan, Sitinjak), Toga Nainggolan, Toga Simatupang, Toga Siregar, and Toga Aritonang. Toga Nainggolan himself fathered two sons, Toga Sibatu (Sibatuara, Parhusip) and Toga Sihombar (Lbn. Nahor, Lbn. Raja, Lbn. Siantar, Hutabalian). Whereas Si Raja Borbor descended marga Pasaribu, Harahap, Parapat, Matondang, Sipahutar, Tarihoran, Saruksuk, Lubis, Batubara, Pulungan, Hutasuhut, Daulay.

Limbong Mulana had two sons Palu Onggang and Langgat Limbong. While Sagala Raja, Guru Tatea Bulan’s fourth son, descended marga Hutaruar, Hutabagas, and Hutaurat. The last son, Malau Raja, derived marga Pase, Nilambean, Manik & Damanik, Ambarita, and Gurning.

2. Belahan Sumba

Belahan Sumba is a term of reference for the descendants of Si Raja Isumbaon. Raja Isumbaon had only a son, Tuan Sorimangaraja. It is said that Tuan Sorimangaraja had three wives, Nai Ambaton, Nai Rasaon, and Nai Suanon, from whom he would descend Belahan Sumba people. Most of the people now inhabit North Sumatra area.

Nai Ambaton descended the head marga Simbolon, Munte, and Saragi. Simbolon derived two groups of sub-marga, the first is Simbolon Tua which consists of Simbolon, Tinambunan, Tumanggor, Turutan, Pinayungan, and Mahanahampun. The second is Tamba Tua which comprises Tamba, Sidabutar, Sidabalok, Siadari, Sijabat. Munte or Munte Tua derived sub-marga Munte, Sitanggang, and Sigalingging. The latest, Saragi or Saragi Tua extended down to sub-marga Saing, Simalango, Simarmata, Nadeak, Sidabungke, Rumahorbo, Sitio, and Napitu. The descendants of Nai Ambaton occupy the east coast of Sumatra. On the contrary, the people are rare in the south of Lake Toba.

Nai Rasaon gave birth to a son named Raja Mangareak and descended marga Manurung, Sitorus, Sirait, and Butar-butar. Today, most of Nai Rasaon’s descendants live in Uluan area. They live communally in small kampongs.

Meanwhile, Nai Suanon had a son named Tuan Sorbanibanua. Tuan Sorbanibanua had two wives, namely Pasaribu and Sibasopaet. From his first wife, he had four sons (excluding the dead ones). The four children would later descend sub-marga Sibagotni Pohan, Sipaettua, Silahisabungan, and Raja Oloan. Most people of these groups inhabit almost all over the central part of Lake Toba area.

Sibagotni Pohan had four sons, namely Tuan Sihubil (later descended sub-marga Tampubolon), Tuang Dibangarna (Panjaitan, Silitonga, Siagia, Sianipar), Tuan Somanimbil (Siahaan, Simanjuntak, Hutagaol), and Sonak Malela (Simangunsong, Marpaung, Napitupulu, Pardede).

From his second wife, Tuan Sorbanibanua had three sons, Si Raja Sobu (later descended sub-clan Sitompul, Hasibuan, Hutabarat, Panggabean, Simorangkir, Hutagalung, Hutapea or Tobing), Si Saja Sumba, and Si Raja Naispospos.

Si Raja Sumba himself had three sons, Sihombing (Silaban, Lumban Toruan, Nababan, Hutasoit) and Simamora (Purba, Manalu, Debataraja, Tuan Sumerhan). Meanwhile, Si Raja Naipospos descended sub-marga Marbun, Sibagariang, Hutauruk, and Situmeang.

b. Territorial Classification

Batak Toba territorial kinship is also shown by the agreements over customs and traditions in an area. Batak people living in Mandailing have certain customs and traditions different from that of those living in Toba. This happens although many Mandailing and Batak-Tobanese share the same surname (marga), such as Siregar, Lubis, Hasibuan, and Batubara.

This territorial kinship is as bonding as the genealogical one. As reflected in Batak Toba saying that reads:

Jonok dongan partubbu jonokan do dongan parhundul (All Batak people are certain that their lineage is close, but it is even closer if they live in the same territory).

Based on Huria Kristen Batak Protestan (HKBP), the residence of Batak Toba Ethnic Group is divided into four big areas as follows.

1. Samosir, covering Samosir Island and surrounding areas. Among the marga living in this area are Simbolon and Sagala.
2. Toba, covering Balige, Laguboti, Porsea, Parsoburan, Sigumpar, and surrounding areas. Among the marga inhabiting this area are Sitorus and Marpaung.
3. Humbang, covering Dolok Sanggul, Lintongnihuta, Siborongborong, and surrounding areas. The marga prevailing in this area are Simatupang Siburian and Sihombing Lumban Toruan.
4. Silindung, including Sipoholon, Tarutung, Pahae, and surrounding areas. The marga prevailing in this area are Naipospos (Sibagariang, Hutauruk, Simanungkalit, Situmeang, Marbun) and Huta Barat.

3. Social Implication

The marga familial and kinship system has several implications on the life of Batak-Tobanese. The implications make it clear that marga, as a tradition, is an important element in the people’s life. Among the forms of the social implications are as follows:

• On social identity of a Batak-Tobanese. Every new-born baby automatically inherits his father’s marga. If it is a boy, he gets his father’s marga and will descend it to his next generation. But if the baby is a girl, she still wears her father’s marga but will not descend it to her children because Batak Toba tradition does not recognize matrilineal system. In this context, marga functions as the social identity of a Batak Tobanese. Without a certain marga, the identity of a new born baby will be unknown. Such obscurity will likely affect the civil identity of a person as well if his/her residential data is still unclear.
• On social status. In social relations, marga will serve as a measurement for somebody in treating other people. There are different inter-marga relations in each Batak Subgroup. Among Batak Toba people, for instance, the relation between marga is determined by the origin of the marga involved within Si Raja Batak’s lineage. The closer a marga to Si Raja Batak, the older it is considered and thus, more respected. The philosophy of Dalihan Na Tolu seemingly shows that Batak Toba society is democratic. But really, they have a certain concept related to their treatment to other people whose position in the lineage is closer to Si Raja Batak. In this context, marga determines people’s social status in Batak Toba society.
• On Batak Toba customary laws on marriage. In Batak Toba marriage laws, it is said that a man and a woman of a kind of marga cannot get married even though they love each other. Violation of this law will lead to customary sanction. This is done to respect a person’s marga and for the marga to extend. In this context, marga is upheld within Batak Toba customary laws.
• On social system. In Batak Toba society, anyone can occupy any position in the Dalihan Na Tolu. For example, a Batak Tobanese is a boru in certain time, but in other time he/she may change into a hula-hula or dongan tubu. It depends entirely on the context of adat and daily life. When a Batak Toban woman belonging to boru (lower) group marry somebody from other marga, her social status according to Dalihan Na Tolu will remain a boru while her husband become a hula-hula. In this context, marga affects the social system, particularly on the social position of a person in Batak Toba kinship and social system. Ethically, marga also teaches Batak Toba people to not brag about their children because their status changes over time.
• On the broad social relations of Batak people, in general, and particularly, Batak Toba. It is undeniable that today in Indonesia a lot of Batak people hold a high-profile occupation, i.e. lawyer. This lawyer profession-Batak Toba association is of course connected to the social relations they build based on their marga and identity as Batak people. In this context, marga serves as an effective method for Batak people to seal their domination in lawyer profession.
• On marga change. Marga has been the characteristic and identity of Batak Toba people. As an identity mark, omission of marga is considered a violation to their customary and social laws. Thus in certain condition, marga burdens a Batak-Tobanese woman who does not want her child to wear his/her father’s marga (because the father has passed away or the mother hates the father). For example, there is a Batak-Tobanese mother gives birth to a girl. Because her husband is of the marga X, automatically the baby wears the marga X as well. When the baby is just 4 days old, her father dies. And just before the baby turns 3 years old, her mother gets married with a man of other marga, let us say Y. The baby is of course raised in a family led by Y marga from then on. But it turns out that in her diploma, the girl’s name does not contain the marga X but only her first name. Aside from her mother’s intention, in this instance, the marga burdens her mother, who apparently does not want her to wear her late father.

4. Epilogue

When there are a lot of traditions and customs in Indonesia eroded by modern culture (there are even many that have vanished), Batak-Tobanese marga still prevails. Therefore Batak-Tobanese custom to wear marga as their surname should be appreciated and supported. The marga indeed keeps Batak-Tobanese’s identity.

(Yusuf Efendy/bdy/21/03-10)

Translation by Reza Daffi (trans/07/05-10)

Reference

Departemen Pendidikan Nasional, 2005. Kamus Besar Bahasa Indonesia. Jakarta: Balai Pustaka.

Gens G. Malau, 2000. Aneka ragam, ilmu pengetahuan budaya Batak. Jakarta: Yayasan Binabudaya Nusantara, Taotoba Nusabudaya.

Irmawati, 2007. Keberhasilan suku Batak Toba (tinjauan Psikologi ulayat). A paper for Psychological and Cultural Seminar, North Sumatra University.

J.C. Vergouwen, 1986. Masyarakat dan hokum adat Batak Toba. Yogyakarta: LKIS.

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